While The Band is Playing

The Apartheid of Ethics

Published to commemorate 20 June for World Refugee Day earlier this week

I’m only thirty years but have seen some life,
A far cry from the worst and yet so close to it

Trinidad Jerry

Humanist and ethicist Peter Singer might not appear to have much in common with a murdered African LGBT+ refugee, but a central theme in Singer’s work connects them in a way that is both ethical and deeply human.

Trinidad Jerry (see photo, above) was a young LGBTQIA+ refugee living in Block 13 of Kakuma Refugee Camp in Kenya — a place marked by violence, homophobia, and institutional neglect. In 2021, he was attacked with a firebomb while he slept, and died from injuries that should never have been allowed to happen. His life, and the world’s indifference to it, exposes a deeper moral failure.

Peter Singer asks what we owe strangers. Trinidad Jerry died because the world answered: nothing. This essay traces the system that made that answer possible: the apartheid of ethics.

Circling Around the Issue

On the 20th of June each year, the world observes World Refugee Day. It is a date that exists because the people it commemorates do not have a life that matters to the world that displaced them. They have needs, and they have numbers — tens of millions of them — but in the moral arithmetic of wealthy nations, they do not yet exist.

The moral philosopher Peter Singer calls it the expanding circle: the long, uneven movement of human moral concern outward from self, to family, to tribe, to nation, and (in principle) to all of humanity. Each expansion was resisted. Each, in retrospect, seemed inevitable.

But the circle is not complete.

The expanding circle of human moral concern has not yet reached everyone – not in practice and not where it is needed most.

This is an essay about that failure, and what it would mean to fix it.

The Divide: What it Looks Like in Practice

In 1980, the economist Willy Brandt chaired an international commission that drew a line across the world — economic and political rather than strictly geographic, since Australia and New Zealand sit geographically south of it while belonging firmly to the wealthy north. Above the line: industrialised, wealthy nations. Below it: the developing world. Four decades later, that line remains. A child born on the poorer side of it can expect to live roughly twenty years less than one born in Western Europe. The same disparity exists closer to home: someone born in indigenous Australia faces a life expectancy gap of eight years compared to other Australians – not because of genetics or geography, but because of politics, economics, and the distribution of power.

The writer Susan George argued in 1976 that hunger was not a supply problem but a political one. The evidence has since caught up with her argument. The UN Committee on World Food Security confirms that the world currently produces enough food to feed one and a half times its entire population. And yet 733 million people go hungry. In Africa alone, more than 307 million people — over one in five of the continent’s population — experienced hunger in 2024.

This is not scarcity. It is a choice. A choice made by systems that distribute power and resources unevenly, and that have structured global trade, debt, and aid in ways that consistently favour the wealthy north. The circle of moral concern nominally includes the hungry. In practice, it has looked away.

The Mechanism: How the Divide is Maintained

The divide does not maintain itself. It is actively reproduced.

The philosopher Thomas Pogge argues that wealthy nations bear active responsibility for global poverty — not merely through inaction, but through the trade rules, debt structures, and political arrangements they design and maintain. The conclusion that this constitutes wilful exploitation is one that the evidence invites. Agricultural subsidies in wealthy nations undercut farmers in developing countries who cannot compete on price. Trade agreements negotiated between unequal partners consistently favour the stronger party. Debt repayments flowing from south to north dwarf the aid flowing in the opposite direction.

These are not accidents or oversights. They are the architecture of a system that benefits those with the power to design it.

This matters for the expanding circle argument because it changes what is being asked of wealthy nations. Expanding the circle is not simply a matter of generosity, or of choosing to give more. It requires dismantling arrangements that currently depend on the exclusion of others. That is a harder ask, and a more honest one.

The contraction: Trump, Musk, and PEPFAR

Image by Darwin Laganzon from Pixabay

In January 2025, the incoming US administration froze foreign aid programmes including PEPFAR — the President’s Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief — as part of a broader withdrawal from international obligations. The decision was presented as fiscal responsibility. The consequences were measured in projected deaths.

A 90‑day disruption to antiretroviral therapy is estimated to result in 100,000 excess deaths in sub‑Saharan Africa, with longer‑term disruption potentially causing up to 13 million AIDS‑related deaths by 2030. Before 2025, 80 percent of global PrEP use was in sub‑Saharan Africa; after the cuts, 2.5 million people lost access, including an 81 percent collapse in Nigeria alone. In South Africa, modelling suggests that ending PEPFAR support without replacement would mean up to 296,000 additional HIV infections and more than 50,000 extra AIDS‑related deaths within four years.

Some of my African friends are facing difficulties as a result of withdrawal from anti-retrovirals. Two of them are in hospital with advancing symptoms reminiscent of AIDS a generation ago, while a third describes his symptoms to me in ways that make my mind flash back to my dying friends forty years ago.

These are not abstractions, they are people like Trinidad Jerry’s friends in Block 13 at Kakuma, already surviving without adequate UNHCR protection, already living with the consequences of the world’s indifference. The withdrawal of aid did not happen in a vacuum, it happened to specific human beings whose names we do not know, in places whose conditions we prefer not to imagine.

Since Trinnie’s murder, Kakuma has largely divested itself of its LGBT+ refugees as Kenya promotes homophobia and withdraws protection. Many have fled to war zones or other nations that persecute LGBT+ people. Those left behind endure starvation, deprivation and increased atrocities.

The circle is not merely failing to expand; it is being deliberately closed.

Some Faces behind the Argument

Image by PublicDomainPictures from Pixabay

Four of my friends have been attacked in the streets of Kenya in the last twelve months. All four are trans women. All four of them are refugees. All four came to Kenya seeking the shelter and safety and dignity that their home countries denied them. Their names I will not give here — not because their stories do not deserve to be told, but because in the world as it currently exists, visibility can be a death sentence. I do not have the right to make them more vulnerable than they already are.

Four women, four attacks in twelve months across Nairobi and Kakuma – and that’s just within my social circle. The expanding circle of humanitarian concern and consideration has not yet reached them.

Meanwhile, in western nations, affluent celebrities with media platforms and global audiences have been describing themselves as persecuted. Their grievance is criticism: pushback against the hostility they direct toward trans people. They call this cancellation, or silencing, or an attack from “wokeness.” With some of the loudest voices on the planet, they insist they are being denied freedom of speech. They frame this, with apparent sincerity, as a form of personal victimisation.

I cannot place these claims on the same moral map as the women I know who are being attacked in the streets of Nairobi and Kakuma. One reality involves permanent injury and ongoing danger. The other involves public scrutiny from a position of extraordinary privilege and safety. The ethical vocabulary is not the same.

The obligation — Singer’s argument

The philosopher Peter Singer has spent decades asking an uncomfortable question: if you could prevent something terrible from happening, at little cost to yourself, would you not be morally obligated to do so?

In his 1972 essay Famine, Affluence and Morality, Singer made the argument concrete. If you saw a child drowning in a shallow pond, you would wade in without hesitation, ruining your clothes, missing your appointment, inconveniencing yourself considerably. The fact that the drowning child is far away, that you will never meet them, that their suffering is invisible to you in your daily life — none of this, Singer argues, changes the moral reality. Geographic distance does not diminish moral obligation.

That argument reframes foreign aid entirely. It is not charity. It is not generosity. It is the minimum that moral consistency demands of those with the power to act.

This is not history. Among the refugees I know in Africa today, there are people who cannot access the HIV medication they need; not because it doesn’t exist, but because the funding that provided it has been withdrawn. Gay men contact me describing symptoms of AIDS that give me flashbacks to over thirty years ago. Refugee mothers in camps beg for food for their children while tap water is turned off as an economic measure. Singer’s pond is not a thought experiment. It is a clinic that closed, a supply chain that stopped, a person whose name I know who is managing without treatment today.

Trinidad Jerry was not far away in any sense that matters. He was on Facebook. He sent a get well message to a friend in Melbourne. He asked, in his final poem, to be taken out of nowhere Kakuma. The indifference that killed him was not geographic, it was chosen.

Meanwhile, Singer’s drowning child is not a hypothetical. She is someone I know. She is trying to stay alive in a refugee camp in Kenya and hide from attack while the self-righteous circle of western ethical outrage looks the other way.

For those inside Block 13 of Kakuma Refugee Camp, the narrowing of the moral circle was not theoretical — it was lived. Trinnie understood danger in a way only someone living inside it can. When it was suggested that a fence be built around Block 13, he argued against it — not for himself, but for everyone else. A barrier might slow attackers, he said, but it could also trap people inside with no way to flee. He was thinking about the group, about the worst‑case scenario, about the asymmetry of harm. In the end, the absence of a fence quite possibly enabled the firebomb attack that killed him. He lost his life because he was considering the safety of others — a decision forced on him because the moral circle had not widened far enough to offer real protection. In a world where every option carried lethal risk, the system left him no safe choice at all.

His reasoning was sound; the world around him was not. That is the measure of the circle’s failure.

What expanding the circle would actually require

The Brandt Report’s answer, offered in 1980 and still unheeded, was framed deliberately as self-interest rather than altruism. The report argued that the poverty of the global south was not merely a humanitarian problem for the south to solve — it was a structural problem for the entire world. Hunger, disease, and instability do not stay contained within borders. The fate of wealthy and poor nations, Brandt argued, is materially connected. Genuine development in the south would create trading partners, reduce conflict, and build the stability that wealthy nations claim to want.
This reframing matters because it removes the charity objection. Expanding the circle is not a demand that wealthy nations be generous. It is a demand that they be consistent — that they apply to the global poor the same rational self-interest they apply everywhere else.

In 2015, every member state of the United Nations adopted the Sustainable Development Goals, seventeen targets covering poverty, hunger, health, education, and inequality, to be achieved by 2030. They represented the circle drawn in principle. A decade later, most targets are off track. The gap between what was promised and what has been delivered is not a gap of capability. It is a gap of political will.

What genuine moral consistency would require is not complicated to describe, even if it is difficult to achieve: trade rules that do not systematically disadvantage the poorest producers; debt relief that does not extract more than it provides; aid commitments that are honoured rather than retracted when political winds change; and the restoration of programmes like PEPFAR, whose withdrawal has already cost lives that cannot be recovered.

The circle has always moved under pressure. It has never moved voluntarily.

The unfinished work, and what comes next

The circle has never closed of its own accord. It has been pushed — by activists, by writers, by people who refused to accept that the suffering of others was simply the natural order of things. Each expansion was called premature, unrealistic, or dangerous by those who benefited from the existing arrangement. Each, in retrospect, was overdue.

If you want to act rather than simply agree, there are ways to help directly. Rainbow Railroad works to help LGBTQ+ people escape state-sanctioned violence around the world. MAREPA supports refugees in East Africa. If you would like to know about other specific fundraisers or individuals in need, I am happy to hear from you directly — contact details are via this blog.

Trinidad Jerry knew this more clearly than most of us ever will. From Block 13 in Kakuma, surrounded by people who wished him harm and institutions that failed him, he asked for one thing:

Take us out of nowhere Kakuma.

We did not. The measure of our ethics is whether we answer differently next time.


Bibliography:

Singer’s Core Philosophical Works

Singer, Peter. Famine, Affluence, and Morality (1972).
Philosophy & Public Affairs, Vol. 1, No. 3, pp. 229–243.

Singer, Peter. The Expanding Circle: Ethics, Evolution, and Moral Progress (1981; rev. ed. 2011).

Singer, Peter. The Life You Can Save (2009).

Thomas Pogge’s Institutional Critique

Pogge, Thomas W. World Poverty and Human Rights: Cosmopolitan Responsibilities and Reforms (2002; 2nd ed. 2008).
Available here and here.

Global Hunger — Statistics and Supply

FAO, IFAD, UNICEF, WFP, WHO. The State of Food Security and Nutrition in the World (SOFI) 2025 (July 2025).
FAO report and UNICEF data.

United Nations. Global Issues: Food.

World Economic Forum. “The World Produces Enough Food to Feed Everyone. So Why Do People Go Hungry?” (2016).

The Right to Food — International Law

Universal Declaration on the Eradication of Hunger and Malnutrition (World Food Conference, 1974).

Right to Food — overview of international legal instruments.

PEPFAR Cuts & January 2025 US Foreign Aid Freeze

President’s Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR).

KFF (Kaiser Family Foundation). “The Trump Administration’s Foreign Aid Review: Status of PEPFAR” (October 2025).

UNAIDS. “Impact of US Funding Cuts on the Global HIV Response.”

STAT News. “Trump Administration Suspension of Global HIV Treatment Program Sparks Chaos” (28 January 2025).

CNN. “The Trump Administration Has Halted Funds for Global HIV/AIDS Programs” (September 2025).

Oxfam America. “What USAID Did, and the Effects of Trump’s Cuts on Lifesaving Aid” (2025).

PEPFAR Impact Modelling

Projected Impact of Antiretroviral Therapy Disruptions Following the 2025 US Foreign Aid Freeze (2025).
The Lancet.

How US Funding Cuts Created a Double Threat to HIV Progress in Africa (2026).
The Leaflet.

Projected HIV Incidence and Mortality in South Africa Under PEPFAR Withdrawal Scenarios (2025).
PubMed Central.

The Brandt Report

Independent Commission on International Development Issues (Willy Brandt, Chair).
North–South: A Programme for Survival (1980).

United Nations Sustainable Development Goals

United Nations. Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) (2015–2030).

United Nations, 2024. 2024 SDG Report: Global Progress Alarmingly Insufficient, 28 June.

Supporting Academic / Ethical Framework

Utilitarianism.net. Study Guide: Peter Singer’s “Famine, Affluence, and Morality.”

Wikipedia. “Famine, Affluence, and Morality.”

Primary Source — Trinidad Jerry

Trinidad Jerry. Poetry circulated among Block 13 residents, 2021; archived for safety.


If you would like to support LGBTQI+ refugees in Kakuma, Gorom and beyond:

MAREPA — emergency shelter for LGBTQI+ refugees in Nairobi, Kenya

Rainbow Railroad — helping LGBTQI+ people escape persecution worldwide

Queer Pride Africa — GoFundMe — refugee-led sustainable projects in Kakuma

Kakuma Refugee Camp — Food, Medication & Security — GoFundMe — direct support for LGBTQI+ refugees in the camp

Amnesty International Australia — advocacy for refugee and human rights protection


Related Essay

The Expanding Circle:
From Sentientism to the Rights of Emerging Minds

On the circle of morality when minds do not share our biology
Published 30 June 2026.


©2026 Geoff Allshorn. I show my respect for Elders past and present and acknowledge the Wurundjeri-Willam people, the Traditional Custodians of the Land on which this blog was prepared. Produced with discussion/editorial/artistic assistance from Copilot AI and Claude AI.

A Journey of Survival, Resilience, and Hope

For International Refugee Day

by Charity Austin

Ten years ago, I never imagined that one day I would become a refugee. Like many people, I believed that becoming a refugee was something that happened to others. I had never thought about fleeing my country, seeking asylum, or rebuilding my life in a foreign land.

That changed within a matter of months.

After surviving a violent mob attack because of who I am, remaining in my home country was no longer safe. The threats continued, and I faced a difficult choice: stay and risk my life, or leave everything behind in search of safety. I chose to flee. At the time, I did not fully understand what it meant to be a refugee. I only knew that I needed to survive.

A Refugee’s Life

Being a refugee means more than crossing a border. It means arriving in a place where you have no family, no support system, and often no clear information about what comes next. It means living with uncertainty while trying to rebuild your life from nothing. When you are struggling to find food, shelter, and safety, it is difficult to imagine your future.

My experience taught me that anyone can become a refugee. Refugees are not born refugees. They are ordinary people whose lives are disrupted by war, violence, persecution, and human rights abuses. For this reason, we must all advocate for peace, inclusion, and respect for human dignity in our communities.

International Refugee Day is important because it reminds us that refugees deserve to be seen, heard, and supported. To me, it represents love, solidarity, and hope. It is a day when the world recognizes the courage and resilience of millions of people who have been forced to flee their homes.

In 2021, I celebrated World Refugee Day for the first time in Kakuma Refugee Camp in Kenya. The theme focused on inclusion and belonging, and for many LGBTQ refugees, it was a rare opportunity to feel recognized and valued. It reminded us that despite the challenges we faced, our lives mattered.

Life as a refugee can be extremely difficult, especially for LGBTQ refugees. The hardships extend beyond displacement, hunger, and poverty. Many LGBTQ refugees face violence, discrimination, harassment, exclusion, and threats because of their sexual orientation or gender identity. Sometimes, surviving one challenge only means facing another. If you survive hunger, you may still face violence. If you find shelter, you may still face discrimination.

In many countries of asylum, refugees face barriers to employment, education, healthcare, and social inclusion. LGBTQ refugees often experience additional discrimination, making it even harder to access opportunities that would allow them to live independently and with dignity. The inability to secure work and earn a livelihood leaves many vulnerable to poverty, exploitation, homelessness, and violence.

Trans Inclusion Group

In 2022, violence against transgender refugees in Kakuma increased significantly. We experienced transphobic attacks, arbitrary arrests, threats, and arson incidents that put our lives at risk. Many transgender refugees lived in fear, uncertain whether they would survive another day.

In response to these challenges, we came together and formed Trans Inclusion Group, a refugee-led organization created by and for transgender refugees. What began as a small support network grew into a platform for advocacy, protection, and community empowerment. Through Trans Inclusion Group, we documented human rights abuses, raised awareness about the realities faced by LGBTQ refugees, provided peer support, and advocated for safety, dignity, and inclusion.

When forced evictions, violence, and discrimination threatened our community, we spoke out and demanded that refugee protection include everyone, regardless of their sexual orientation or gender identity. Our advocacy was not only about survival; it was about affirming that transgender refugees deserve the same rights, opportunities, and respect as every other human being.

The Personal Is Political

As I reflect on my own journey, I am reminded that my story is only one among thousands of LGBTQ refugee stories that remain untold. While I have had opportunities to speak about my experiences, many LGBTQ refugees continue to live in silence, afraid of violence, discrimination, or rejection. Sometimes, I feel that my voice is not heard enough, but I continue speaking because I know there are many others who can not.

World Refugee Day is more than a commemoration. It is a celebration of resilience, courage, hope, and belonging. It is an opportunity to recognize the strength of people who have survived unimaginable hardships and continue rebuilding their lives despite enormous obstacles.

Our shared goal should be to create welcoming communities where refugees and newcomers feel seen, valued, connected, and safe. No one should have to choose between hiding who they are and accessing protection. Every refugee deserves dignity, opportunity, and a chance to build a future.

Today, Trans Inclusion Group continues to amplify the voices of transgender refugees who are too often overlooked. In refugee camps and settlements, many LGBTQ refugees still struggle to access safety, employment, healthcare, and opportunities to rebuild their lives. By sharing our stories and standing together, we challenge discrimination and create hope for those who feel invisible.

World Refugee Day 2026

On this World Refugee Day, I call on governments, humanitarian organizations, community leaders, and individuals to listen to refugee voices, stand against discrimination, and support inclusion for all refugees, including LGBTQ refugees. Together, we can create a world where belonging is not a privilege for a few, but a right for everyone.

As we commemorate World Refugee Day 2026, Trans Inclusion Group joins refugee communities around the world in calling for a future where every person seeking safety is welcomed with dignity, protected from discrimination, and given the opportunity to thrive.

Our message to the world is simple: create more welcoming environments for refugees and newcomers. Let us build communities where refugees are not only protected but empowered to thrive. Let us choose peace over conflict, inclusion over exclusion, and hope over fear.

Because anyone can become a refugee, and everyone deserves the chance to live in safety, dignity, and belonging.

Author: Charity Austin. All rights to this article are returned to the author. This blog © 2026 Geoff Allshorn. I acknowledge the Wurundjeri‑Willam people of the Kulin Nation, the Traditional Custodians of the land on which this work was prepared, and pay my respects to Elders past and present.

Pride and Prejudice

Pride Month and a History Still Unresolved

“Take us out of nowhere Kakuma.” — Trinidad Jerry.

Pride Month takes its timing from the United States. The Stonewall uprising in June 1969 became the basis for an almost-global calendar. Although the cause spread quickly, the history did not. Many Commonwealth countries had already begun dismantling their inherited criminal laws before Stonewall, and others have moved further and faster since. The spread of Stonewall as the common narrative is itself a form of cultural dominance, mirroring how earlier British laws spread across the Commonwealth and still shape homophobia today.

Artwork by CoPilot AI

Across the Commonwealth, the picture is old and uneven. The laws that still shape queer life in dozens of member states were written in London and exported outward as part of the administrative machinery of what was then a racist, sexist and homophobic empire. Their origins are detailed by the Human Dignity Trust and legal historians tracing the reach of the 1533 Buggery Act and the Indian Penal Code Section 377. Pride Month, seen from here, is not a celebration of a single uprising but a reminder of the afterlife of that empire: what was imposed, and what each country has chosen to keep.

Colonial Origins

The legal architecture that still shapes queer life across much of the Commonwealth did not originate in the countries that enforce it. It was built in Britain, refined through Victorian anxieties, and exported outward through empire. The 1860 code created the category of “carnal intercourse against the order of nature,” a phrase that travelled across Asia, Africa, and the Caribbean. A further Victorian offence (“gross indecency”) was broad enough to criminalise letters, gestures, or implication.

Art by CoPilot AI

The British Empire spread these statutes around the world. They were imposed on societies with their own histories of gender and intimacy. Pre‑colonial records across Africa and Asia show diverse understandings of gender and sexuality, documented by ILGA World. The downfall of the Empire and eventual independence of its colonies did not undo the damage. Many emerging nations kept the inherited codes because they were already embedded in courts, policing, and legal ethics.

Diverse Commonwealth Paths

United Kingdom. The UK exported the criminal codes that shaped the Commonwealth, then dismantled them at home: partial decriminalisation in 1967, followed by Scotland (1980) and Northern Ireland (1982).

Australia. Australia inherited British criminal law and enforced it harshly. Decriminalisation occurred state by state from 1975 to 1997, summarised by the Digital Classroom. Marriage equality arrived in 2017.

Uganda. Uganda shows how inherited colonial laws can be intensified rather than dismantled. The Victorian “unnatural offences” provisions became the platform for successive legislation, culminating in the far harsher 2023 Anti‑Homosexuality Act, encouraged by religious influences in the UK and the USA.

Some other Commonwealth members exhibit more hope. Botswana’s courts dismantled colonial statutes through constitutional reasoning in 2019 and 2021 (High Court; Court of Appeal), while Dominica’s High Court struck down its colonial‑era provisions in April 2024 (Dominica ruling).

Activism and the Tradition Defence

Trinidad Jerry, a young LGBTQ refugee killed in Kakuma Refugee Camp in Kenya, lived and died under a legal environment shaped by colonial statutes and contemporary hostility. Four years later, Emanuel Muhayimana was killed in the same camp, underscoring how little had changed.

Art by CoPilot AI

Legal reform across the Commonwealth has been driven less by parliaments than by activists, lawyers, and community groups working through the courts. In India, the petitioners in Navtej Singh Johar v. Union of India argued that Section 377 violated Articles 14, 15, and 21 of the Constitution. In the Caribbean, cases were brought by citizens who lived under the laws.

The work has also been carried by individuals whose names rarely appear in political speeches but whose risks have reshaped the legal landscape. Caleb Orozco in Belize, Jason Jones in Trinidad and Tobago, and Rosanna Flamer‑Caldera in Sri Lanka challenged the laws in their own courts. In Uganda, David Kato’s advocacy — and his murder in 2011 — exposed the dangers faced by those who confront inherited statutes; Frank Mugisha continues that work under constant pressure. In the United Kingdom, Peter Tatchell’s long‑running campaigns helped expose the colonial origin of the laws Britain exported.

Courts in Belize, Trinidad and Tobago, Botswana, and Dominica have all stated explicitly that the criminal provisions were imposed by colonial authorities and do not reflect indigenous culture. Dominica’s 2024 ruling noted that the Sexual Offences Act provisions were “inherited from a colonial legal framework,” as highlighted by the Human Dignity Trust.

Leaders in Uganda, Nigeria, and Ghana often frame criminalisation as cultural defence and LGBTQ identities as foreign. This reverses the historical reality: the criminal laws were imported by Britain, while the constitutional rights used to dismantle them are home‑grown. A recent cross‑continental study on women’s rights in Africa found the same pattern: governments defending “traditional African values” while enforcing legal frameworks inherited from external colonial rule.

The Road Ahead

Art by CoPilot AI

Next likely reformers. Sri Lanka has signalled willingness to amend Sections 365 and 365A. Mauritius has active litigation. Namibia — not a Commonwealth member but a parallel post‑colonial jurisdiction — struck down its sodomy laws in 2024.

High‑risk states. Uganda’s 2023 Act remains the most severe example. Ghana’s proposed “Family Values” bill threatens to expand criminalisation. Nigeria continues to enforce the 2014 Same‑Sex Marriage (Prohibition) Act.

Courts will continue to lead. In most jurisdictions, the next major reforms will come through litigation rather than legislation.

Activism and visibility. Legal reform follows visibility, community organising, and sustained advocacy. These movements are local, not imported.

Geopolitics. Some states use decriminalisation to alignm with democratic partners; others use criminalisation to align with conservative blocs.

The work continues.

Across the Commonwealth, legal change has come from citizens who challenged the laws that governed their lives; people stepping up when politicians often fear to tread. Their cases, risks, and losses form the quiet impetus beneath every reform.

Their footsteps fall where Commonwealth leaders frequently fail.

Bibliography

Human Dignity Trust — Criminalisation Maps and Legal Histories

ILGA World — State-Sponsored Homophobia Reports

NYC LGBT Historic Sites Project — Stonewall Documentation

Digital Classroom — Australian Legal History

BBC — Uganda Anti-Homosexuality Act 2023

The Guardian — Colonial Legal Frameworks and Women’s Rights

©2026 Geoff Allshorn. I acknowledge the Wurundjeri-Willam people, the Traditional Custodians of the land on which this blog was prepared, and show my respect for Elders past and present. Editorial and artistic assistance: Copilot AI.

Dangerous Visions, Safe Stories

Star Trek, Harlan Ellison, and the Politics of Progress

~ ~ Published on 27th May, the birthday of Harlan Ellison ~ ~
If you’ve ever wondered why Star Trek feels bold in theory but cautious in practice — especially this year — the answer begins with Harlan Ellison, a writer who never let the future off the hook.
Art by Deep AI

“Before Dangerous Visions, American science fiction largely policed itself: no sex, no politics, no race, nothing that might unsettle the comfortable status quo. Writers conformed to conservative norms, producing safe, bland, predictable stories in which Campbell’s straight, white American heroes inevitably saved the day. It was this status quo that Dangerous Visions put on the endangered list…”

— Paul Kincaid, 2026, p. 21

Young Ellison fanzine art style by CoPilot AI
Harlan Ellison’s 1967 anthology Dangerous Visions was a direct challenge to science fictional conservatism, inviting writers to confront the very subjects that US science fiction had spent decades avoiding (for example, see Weil & Wolfe 2002; Wolfe 1979; James & Mendlesohn 2003).

Kincaid’s exploration of Ellison as the enfant terrible of conservative US science fiction (and Ellison’s efforts to push the genre’s boundaries) resonates beyond the literary realm. Ellison came out of the literary side of the field, the part that treated science fiction as an exploration of the world, not an escape from it. Ellison earned that reputation by dragging sex, politics, race, and taboo subjects into a genre that had spent decades pretending they didn’t exist. Sixty years ago, Ellison penned a script for Star Trek, which he fought to keep intact against rewrites he considered inferior. That struggle between literary and media science fiction endures today, shaped by Western culture wars and the ongoing saga of the Star Trek franchise.

Ellison’s push for honest and provocative storytelling extended beyond the pages of his books. He was outspoken about the limitations and failures of television as a medium. He once explained:

“I used to think that television could be potentially the most powerful medium for the dissemination of knowledge that the world has ever known. It could be a very rich and rewarding thing if handled properly and that the problem was in the execution. I’ve now come, after ten years in the business, five of which was as a television critic, to taking the very extreme viewpoint. I think television itself is bad.”

— Harlan Ellison (quoted in Bly, 2002)

For Ellison, this wasn’t just a complaint about television; it was a statement about the limitations of network‑era media science fiction: a form constrained by advertisers, censors, and studio caution, and therefore often resistant to the moral exploration and imaginative freedom that literature allowed. Later productions, including Babylon 5 (where Ellison served as creative consultant), would demonstrate that filmed science fiction could carry that weight once it was freed from those constraints.

Ellison’s clashes with the industry were not simply the product of a difficult personality; they were structural and publicly documented. His concept for The Starlost was rewritten and budget‑cut until he sued the producers and won, later having his Writers Guild Award withdrawn when he disowned the aired version (Weil & Wolfe 2002; WGA Award Records). His pseudonym “Cordwainer Bird” became a recurring protest against network censorship and producer interference across multiple series (Ellison 1985; The Comics Journal #53). His newspaper column The Glass Teat was cancelled after political pressure over his criticism of police brutality and the Nixon administration (Ellison 1970; Bly 2002). Even his dispute over The Terminator resulted in a settlement and a retroactive screen credit (Los Angeles Times, 1985). These were not personality clashes but evidence of an industry that feared controversy more than imagination, the very dynamic Ellison spent his career exposing.

Literary science fiction has always had the advantage of range: the room to explore ambiguity, the inner life of its characters, and the political complexity that television often smooths away. It has also been the space where the genre tests its limits first, the place where writers try out ideas, politics, and forms before they reach a wider audience. Media science fiction, for its part, has strengths literature cannot match: visual immediacy, emotional accessibility, and the ability to reach audiences far beyond the readership of even the most influential novels. Literary science fiction has always pushed the genre forward; media franchises matter because they show what happens when those ideas reach the wider culture. Good media SF doesn’t replace the literary tradition; it carries the same arguments into a different form.

While Star Trek is marketed as being utopian, progressive or “woke,” its history often mirrors Kincaid’s description: a safe, bland, predictable product geared towards straight, white middle-America. Ellison inferred that US media gave a “white bread, homogenised view of the world,” and it’s hard not to see how Star Trek was shaped by similar cultural forces.

This year marks the franchise’s sixtieth anniversary, but instead of celebration, Paramount cancelled its most controversial new Star Trek production. Starfleet Academy faced criticism for weak scripting, but the most vitriolic responses came from fans who despised its racially and sexually diverse characters. This show aimed to present a 2026 version of what Ellison might call forward-looking, if not exactly “dangerous,” visions of the future. Yet it was shut down amid the outrage of some vociferous fans, who accused it of being “too woke.”

This reflects broader trends in current US culture: a society that promotes diversity, equity, and inclusion as being social evils, and increasingly views the “other” with hostility, hatred, exclusion, deportation or even concentration camps.

Star Trek’s Struggle for Progress

Despite its reputation as a family-friendly adventure, early Star Trek was shaped by some of the most interesting science fiction writers of the mid-20th century.

Frederic Brown provided the moral core for “Arena,” based on his own short story; John D. F. Black infused scripts with social consciousness; Robert Bloch brought horror into the utopian vision; and Theodore Sturgeon, arguably the most quietly radical of them all, wrote the first episode to touch upon alien sexuality. Even “Charlie X,” credited to Gene Roddenberry but heavily rewritten by Dorothy Fontana, resembles Heinlein’s Stranger in a Strange Land in characterisation of its central figure, and in plot elements of the story.

Sturgeon’s humanism culminated in “Amok Time,” featuring an exploration of Vulcan sexuality but concluding with a moment that, whether intentionally or not, launched decades of slash fiction: Kirk and Spock sharing a moment of affectionate joy that fans immediately recognised as something more than friendship. Isaac Asimov’s insistence that Kirk and Spock be fiercely loyal further helped create a space where viewers could imagine a relationship the series itself dared not name. The franchise’s mythmaking about progress often ignores this lineage, but its earliest boundary-pushing came from writers already testing limits elsewhere.

These individual acts of courage occasionally extended beyond the writers’ room. Chekov’s presence (a Russian hero on American television at the height of the Cold War) was a quietly political gesture that the network seemed almost not to notice. Nichelle Nichols as Uhura inspired a generation of people of colour, including astronaut Mae Jemison, who cited her directly as the reason she could imagine herself in space. Decades later, DS9’s Far Beyond the Stars placed Sisko inside a 1950s America that brutalised Black writers, making racism not an alien metaphor but a direct confrontation. Each of these moments genuinely mattered. But significantly, they succeeded through individual nerve rather than institutional courage, happening almost despite the franchise’s instincts rather than because of them.

“Science Fiction is the very literature of change.”

Frederik Pohl

Artwork by Deep AI

Fandom as a Catalyst for Change

What the series hesitated to explore, fandom embraced wholeheartedly. Long before queer people could be visible on TV, Star Trek clubs and conventions became safe spaces for outsiders; spaces where difference was celebrated, not condemned. Australian fan Diane Marchant, a friend and mentor to me and many Australian Star Trek fans, wrote the first ever published Kirk/Spock slash story in 1974, transforming same-sex relationships from whispered, underground subversion into a fanzine culture that was available to anyone with an open mind.

But fandom has not always lived up to its own ideals. It is worth being clear: most Star Trek fans have been broadly progressive, drawn to the franchise precisely because of its inclusive vision. The toxic voices that helped sink Starfleet Academy do not represent fandom’s mainstream, but they have grown louder and more organised in the MAGA era, weaponising the language of fan entitlement to target diverse creators and diverse characters. Harassment campaigns, coordinated review-bombing, and the gleeful celebration of cancellation — these are not traditional fandom activities. They are culture war tactics wearing fan clothing. Ellison would have recognised them immediately: the same instinct that wanted Campbell’s safe, bland, predictable heroes is still with us, now armed with social media. The whole point of Dangerous Visions was to publish stories that broke the taboos that Campbell-era science fiction refused to touch. In this sense, fandom was Ellison’s Dangerous Visions in action: refusing to wait for permission, refusing to dilute the future to make it more palatable. Women, queer, trans, and non-binary fans created a fandom that was diverse, emotionally literate, and politically alive. The franchise only caught up when it could no longer ignore these visions.

Fandom’s international and inclusive nature also revealed how slowly the franchise evolved. It took nearly thirty years — until The Next Generation — for Star Trek to progress from Brown’s “Arena” to the more sophisticated “Darmok.” Both stories deal with communication with the “other,” but where “Arena” offers a moral duel, “Darmok” seeks to understand a culture on its own terms.

That gap mirrors the franchise’s uneasy relationship with its writers. When Roddenberry returned to launch The Next Generation, he resisted working with established science fiction authors, partly to maintain control, and possibly because he worried that they’d push the show into unfamiliar territory. That tension was exemplified by Ellison’s earlier, infamous feud over “The City on the Edge of Forever,” which became a decades-long debate about compromise and network courage.

His original script made the point sharply: a crippled, shell‑shocked war veteran dies stepping between Kirk and danger, a small act of human decency and sacrifice the aired episode reduced to a meaningless accident involving a nameless drifter. Even in 1967, the studio avoided the moral ambiguity Ellison insisted on.

This was not simply a creative dispute. It revealed something structural: literary science fiction can sustain moral ambiguity across a short story or novel, while television (dependent on audiences, advertisers, and weekly scheduling) tends to resolve rather than disturb. Ellison understood both forms well enough to know exactly what was being lost.

Ellison’s experience wasn’t unique; his later work on The Starlost TV series collapsed under studio interference, and he disowned that series before it aired. The pattern was clear: ambitious ideas were watered down, and stranger visions were diluted into formula. By 1991, Star Trek had started to live up to its ideals: empathy, patience, and an openness to change. “Darmok” marked a turning point from superficial moral tales to genuine understanding. Likewise, the Babylon 5 TV series brought Ellison in as a ‘creative consultant,’ a role that let him push the series toward sharper, more confrontational storytelling.

Art by Deep AI

The Ongoing Battle for Representation

By the 1990s, fandom had grown large, global, and confident, sometimes out‑thinking the franchise itself. Like earlier science‑fiction fandoms, fans blurred the line between response and cultural appropriation, feeling a sense of custodianship over the universe. That energy lived in fanzines, fan‑run conventions, and the wider creative culture that surrounded the show. One obvious example is Spock being brought back from fictional death — like his literary predecessor, Sherlock Holmes — due to fan demand. But corporations weren’t comfortable with this.

Viacom’s 1990s crackdown on fan activities was a warning sign: stewardship isn’t ownership. The result wasn’t a blanket shutdown, but it created a chilling effect across the franchise: movies flopped, one TV series ended prematurely, and Star Trek withered for nearly twenty years. Paramount paid the price for alienating the very people who kept the universe alive.

What changed next was less about corporate hostility and more about the world shifting under fandom’s feet. As the internet replaced print, and as social habits changed — later accelerated by social media and the long tail of COVID — the old hubs of fan creativity thinned out across every corner of science‑fiction fandom. The impulse didn’t disappear; it simply moved online. Fan fiction migrated to digital platforms, podcasts replaced newsletters, and community energy dispersed into new forms. It was still the pattern Ellison warned about: institutions encouraging passive consumption while discouraging the unruly, imaginative participation that makes a culture worth having.

Two decades later, Paramount repeated the pattern more directly by imposing strict limits on fan films, shutting down some of the most ambitious grassroots visual storytelling fandom had ever created. Different decade, different medium, same anxiety: whenever fans pushed the universe forward in ways the studio couldn’t control, the corporate instinct was to pull back.

Ellison spent his career arguing that institutions fear imagination because they can’t control where it leads. Star Trek’s history proves him right.

The irony is hard to miss as Paramount responds to public outrage about so‑called “wokeism” by cancelling Starfleet Academy and announcing the end of more Trekkie TV for the foreseeable future: the same franchise that once feared fans for loving too expansively now fears those who hate too loudly. The dynamic has flipped, but the pattern is the same: a studio retreating from the very community that keeps its universe alive, and in its sixtieth anniversary year.

What makes this latest retreat even more bitter is that it may have come under political pressure rather than creative judgment, the very dynamic Ellison spent decades dissecting.

The Future of Imagination

“At its best, science fiction stimulates imagination and creativity. It gets reader and writer off the beaten track, off the narrow, narrow footpath of what “everyone” is saying, doing, thinking
whoever “everyone” happens to be this year.
And what good is all this to Black people?”

Octavia E. Butler

Butler’s challenge frames the problem sharply: a future that claims to be universal must be judged by who it includes, and who it excludes.

Art by Copilot AI
Star Trek’s reputation for progressivism often rests on the famous 1968 Kirk–Uhura kiss. However, this was not the first interracial kiss on television. Earlier examples existed in British, Dutch, and US TV programs, and even within Star Trek itself. The myth that it was groundbreaking persists because it flatters the franchise’s self-image as a trailblazer. In reality, the scene was heavily constrained by network anxiety; it was filmed in multiple versions to minimize the visibility of the kiss, and its framing contained layers of rape culture and racial stereotyping. Rather than a bold step forward, it was a carefully managed moment that reflected the limitations and anxieties of its time.

The real significance lies in how the show reinforced boundaries of acceptability, then later claimed to have shattered them.

And this is the real frustration: for all its rhetoric about boldly going, and for all its aspirations that gained legions of fans attracted by its potential rather than by its reality, Star Trek actually spent decades retreating from the very dangers Ellison embraced. Instead of looking ahead to the kind of boundary‑shattering work collected in Dangerous Visions, the franchise often chose the safest possible path. Janeway was written as blandly authoritative rather than genuinely transgressive; Deep Space Nine tiptoed around trans narratives that it was perfectly positioned to explore; and The Next Generation, for all its polish, carried the quiet prejudices of its era: racist caricatures, sexist framing, and a pointed refusal to acknowledge queer lives. Even Trek’s Asian characters: Sulu, and Harry Kim, were left without meaningful character development, romance, or timely promotion; while Chakotay became a token Indigenous figure encumbered with nonsensical, mystical clichés and a Māori tattoo that had nothing to do with his culture.

The franchise consistently avoided confronting cultural and racial complexities head-on. It still does today.

And the absences ran deeper still. For all its talk of universalism, Star Trek almost never engaged with the rising currents of AfricanFuturism, AsianFuturism, or Indigenous futurisms, traditions that were already reshaping the genre with visions far bolder than anything the franchise attempted. Even its rare brushes with AfroFuturism were bowdlerised into something palatable for white audiences, stripped of the political bite that defined the movement elsewhere. Trek kept promising a galaxy of cultures while constraining those cultures within their white understandings and refusing to let those cultures speak in their own voices.

In all these cases, Star Trek wasn’t attempting to portray genuine diversity so much as reproducing the straight, white, male gaze and its familiar Orientalist assumptions. The franchise kept promising a future that challenged the present, yet too often delivered stories designed not to disturb anyone’s sleep. Ellison’s anthology showed what the genre could be when it stopped flinching. Star Trek spent far too much time flinching.

Beyond the Final Frontier

While Star Trek broke some ground, many other science fiction creators have pushed progress much further. Theodore Sturgeon’s stories beyond “Amok Time” (such as More Than Human and Venus Plus X) explored complex themes of sexuality, identity, and human connection with nuance and depth. Beyond “The Trouble with Tribbles”, David Gerrold’s Blood and Fire and The Martian Child introduced diverse characters and challenged conventional narratives. Female authors like Octavia Butler, Ursula K. Le Guin, and Nnedi Okorafor have crafted stories centered on intersectional identities and cultures that are otherwise often marginalized in mainstream media.

Additionally, TV series like The Prisoner, Doctor Who, Lexx, Sense8, The Expanse, Black Mirror, and even The Simpsons have pushed social and technological storytelling into far bolder territory, treating marginalised people as full participants in the future and refusing to look away from uncomfortable realities. These shows carry the spirit of Ellison’s Dangerous Visions more faithfully than Star Trek, by expanding representation and challenging the norms that mainstream science fiction still hesitates to confront. Their futures leave Star Trek looking reactionary by comparison.

This is already changing. As US cultural dominance wanes, the centre of gravity in science fiction is already shifting: AfricanFuturism, AsianFuturism, and Indigenous futurisms are not waiting for mainstream validation. They are building their own futures, on their own terms, with or without a starship. Dangerous Visions may become wondrous visions. If the future belongs to those who imagine it, then the next century of science fiction will not be written from Los Angeles. It will come from Lagos, Nairobi, Mumbai, Seoul, and the communities Western SF spent decades ignoring.

Nowhere was this cultural shift more visible than in the collapse of the 2026 Starfleet Academy TV series, a moment that exposed just how fragile the old US-focussed future had become. In that sense, its collapse felt less like a production failure and more like a metaphor: a Federation falling at the same moment its cultural centre of gravity was shifting elsewhere.

That global shift makes Ellison’s warning feel even more urgent. His challenge to the genre didn’t disappear; it just found better homes. Meanwhile, Star Trek was about to prove once again exactly why that challenge still mattered.

Artwork by Deep AI

The Failure of Imagination

The Starfleet Academy debacle makes the pattern impossible to ignore. A show that finally gave queer, Black, brown, and neurodivergent youth a fair go was met with a wave of hostility so familiar it could have been lifted from the letters pages of 1967. The franchise once again flinched, choosing to appease the loudest reactionaries rather than stand by the very future it claimed to champion. In that sense, the cancellation is not an aberration but a reminder: the culture Ellison challenged is still with us, still frightened of the wrong people inheriting the future, still willing to burn down a story rather than broaden its imagination. The downfall of this culture is happening in real time as we watch.

“One of the biggest roles of science fiction is to prepare people to accept the future without pain and to encourage a flexibility of the mind.”

Arthur C. Clarke

Clarke’s line is a reminder of what the genre is for, and of how often Star Trek has forgotten it. Ellison never did. The future has always belonged to those willing to imagine it without flinching, and to those who refuse to apologise for who gets to stand inside it. I have been a Star Trek fan for most of my life, so I understand precisely why its failures matter. If Star Trek wants to remain culturally relevant, it will need to avoid the fate of Edward Bellamy’s utopian future and rediscover the courage it takes to adapt to the future.

Ellison was born on 27 May 1934. He spent his life insisting that the future was not a destination but a discussion; one that required courage, honesty, and a willingness to disturb comfortable assumptions wherever they were found. Star Trek promised that discussion and too often retreated from it. Fandom carried it forward, imperfectly but persistently. The argument continues. It always will.


Bibliography

  • Geoff Allshorn, 2021. A Kiss is (Not) Just A Kiss, Humanist World blog, 1 August.
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If this essay speaks to you, you may find these related pieces useful:

A Kiss Is (Not) Just a Kiss
The Kirk–Uhura Kiss: Myth and The Real Story.

The Prime Defective
The Prime Directive: Another problem within the Star Trek franchise.

From Fic to Future
A short biography of Diane Marchant, the Australian fan who helped reshape the future of fandom.

Forgotten Futures
An examination of how utopian imagination shifted from 1888 to 1966, and why Edward Bellamy’s future vision died but Gene Roddenberry’s endured, including how women contributed to fandom.

Time, Youth, and the Call of the Future
I Have Seen the Future
Two explorations about why “Starfleet Academy” mattered.

From Queer to Eternity
How queer issues intersect with science fiction.

Race and the Colonial Imagination
An essay tracing the threads of colonial imagination in science fiction, and emerging AfroFuturism, AfricanFuturism, and other movements that explore beyond the white gaze.

From Trek to Trump
A look at sample homophobic, transphobic, misogynist, and racist objections to the “Starfleet Academy” TV series.

©2026 Geoff Allshorn. I show my respect for Elders past and present and acknowledge the Wurundjeri-Willam people, the Traditional Custodians of the Land on which this blog was prepared. Editorial/artistic/research assistance from Anthropic Claude AI, Copilot AI, and Deep AI.